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How Criminal Convictions Profoundly Affect Women’s Right to Vote

Excellent Policy Brief from the Sentencing Project by authors Kristen M. Budd, Ph.D. and Vianney Gómez describes how women’s involvement in the criminal legal system profoundly affects their right to vote. In “Women Silenced at the Polls: How Criminal Convictions Deny the Right to Vote,” the authors address the fact that almost 1 million American women were recently banned from voting because they had a felony-level conviction.

THE DATA

According to the authors, almost three-quarters of a million American women are barred from voting in elections. These women, U.S. citizens, were disqualified from voting, because state laws or policies remove them from the electorate based on a single defining characteristic: a felony-level conviction. The growth in the number of women who cannot vote today is intricately linked to the growth of women’s involvement within the criminal legal system. Over the last four decades, the number of women under U.S. correctional supervision has increased by over 160% – from roughly 388,000 women in 1985 to over 1 million women in 2023.

Racial disparities in imprisonment continue to exacerbate disparities in who is banned from voting. While disparities in incarceration have decreased, Black women remain roughly twice as likely to experience imprisonment as white women, and Latina women have slightly higher imprisonment rates compared to white women.

WHY DO THE PROBLEMS PERSIST?

Apparently, over-reliance on the criminal legal system fails to address women’s needs, including mental health care, substance use treatment, and trauma-informed support. At the same time, the growing number of women within the criminal legal system has made one thing clear: a felony-level conviction strips women, the nation’s largest voting bloc, of their choices on how limited resources are allocated to these critical issues. By taking away women’s access to the ballot, these restrictions also suppress perspectives from a broad range of political affiliations and ultimately weaken the diversity of voices that are essential to a representative and functioning democracy.

IS WOMEN’S SUFFRAGE AT THE BALLOT BOX A NEW SOCIETAL PROBLEM?

According to the authors’ accurate historical accountings, the exclusion of women from the ballot box is not new. Although the ratification of the 19th Amendment in 1920 enshrined women’s right to vote in the U.S. Constitution, it did not end efforts to restrict women’s access to the ballot. In the U.S. Supreme Court case Leser v. Garnett (1922), Oscar Leser, a Maryland resident who opposed women’s suffrage, unsuccessfully challenged the 19th Amendment, partly on the grounds that it infringed upon state sovereignty. In a 9-0 decision, the Supreme Court upheld the 19th Amendment’s validity and guaranteed women’s right to vote would be enforced nationwide.

However, despite this monumental win for suffrage, women of color faced ongoing voter suppression tactics. Decades later, it was the passage of the Voting Rights Act of 1965 that made voting a true reality for many, but not all, women of color. Progress toward equal ballot access has been undermined by the nation’s approach to tying one’s right to vote with felony-level criminal convictions.

HOW DOES THE UNITED STATES COMPARE TO OTHER COUNTRIES?

Compared with many other nations, the United States is an outlier for its limits on the right to vote for people who have criminal convictions. Women’s accounts of having their voting rights taken away or restricted by the state are powerful examples of how felony disenfranchisement further weakens an already “flawed democracy” – a classification the United States earned based on the Democracy Index from The Economist Group.

THE BOTTOM LINE

Ultimately, racism, sexism, and class bias, along with other structural inequalities, have long influenced women’s treatment in the United States. Stripping women of their access to the ballot based on their criminal legal status further diminishes women’s political power and deepens these structural inequalities. When certain groups of American women are systematically carved out of the voting process, they lose the power to elect leaders who shape their lives and communities. The battle to protect the 19th Amendment – to keep its fundamental principles alive and well – continues so that every eligible woman, regardless of criminal legal status, can vote.

The right to vote is the foundation of American democracy. But a citizen who is convicted of a crime can lose that right. Please contact my office if you, a friend or family member are charged with a crime. Hiring an effective and competent defense attorney is the first and best step toward justice.

Drug Use Still Significant Among U.S. Workers

Despite the surge of people who embraced healthier lifestyles amid the new perspectives they’d gained during the pandemic, drug use remains significant among U.S. workers. Recent data analysis by testing company Quest Diagnostics found that nearly 20 percent of employees generated positive results for a range of illicit substances in 2025. This usage reflects potentially reflecting recurring or chronic drug use.

Nearly one in five workers in the general U.S. workforce (19.1%) tested positive for drug use based on an analysis of hair specimens collected in 2025. This brings an increase of nearly 46% compared to 13.1% in 2021. That included higher detection of narcotics like cocaine, methamphetamine, and amphetamines among employees.

Marijuana led the list of drugs identified—by far, constituting more than 53 percent of all positive tests. That increase likely reflects the growing number of states legalizing medical or recreational cannabis consumption—or both—and slower moves by businesses to scratch pot off their banned substances lists.

DETECTION OF OPIOIDS DECLINING

The good news was that positive testing for opioids among workers finally fell. This comes after years of increased use left millions of lives wrecked or entirely snuffed out. That’s likely a result of governments and companies having appreciated the deadly threat that drugs like fentanyl pose to workers, as well as the efforts they’ve made to detect and dissuade use of the drugs.

“Year-over-year fentanyl positivity declined by nearly half (49.1 percent) in the general U.S. workforce (0.55 percent in 2024 vs. 0.28 percent in 2025) . . . This decline may indicate that employers are taking steps to address fentanyl use, often present alongside other substances such as marijuana, through expanded testing, education, and deterrence strategies.” ~Quest Diagnostic Report

DESPITE DECLINES, WORKPLACE OVER-DOSAGES STILL HAPPEN

Despite decreasing opioid detection rates, other data indicates how the risk of fentanyl use and overdose remains something employers need to be concerned about. This issue is precisely what the Department of Labor’s new guidelines are seeking to close amid the continued risk of workplace opioid overdoses.

“Because fentanyl has infiltrated the illicit drug landscape and acts as a chemical weapon against our people, it is critically important that the American workforce is familiar with drug overdose recognition and reversal . . . I am grateful to the Department of Labor for informing employers and workers about life-saving overdose-reversal treatments like Naloxone.” ~White House Drug Czar Sara Carter

Please contact my office if you, a friend or family member are charged with a Drug Offense or any other crime. Hiring an effective and competent defense attorney is the first and best step toward justice.

Study Addresses Link Between Cannabis & Violence

Recent research has found a link between cannabis use and increased violent behavior. The UK journal Psychological Medicine published findings that people who regularly used cannabis were significantly more likely to commit a violent act than non-users. They were also more likely to be a victim of a violent act. Though the research doesn’t prove a cause-and-effect link, it suggests that cannabis use might be an important and potentially modifiable risk factor for interpersonal violence.

Cannabis use is a known risk factor for adverse mental health outcomes, including psychosis, which is frequently associated with aggression. However, the specific impact of cannabis use on the risk of violence remains unclear.

THE STUDY’S METHODOLOGY

This study’s meta-analysis was conducted according to PRISMA guidelines, and synthesized evidence from 63 peer-reviewed studies.  This effort was done to clarify the link between cannabis use and violence, either as a perpetrator or as a victim. In short, Random-effects models revealed that cannabis users are at a significantly higher risk of perpetrating violent acts. This association was observed in both psychiatric patients  and the general population, and remained significant across both longitudinal and cross-sectional study designs.

There was an especially large effect for violence involving a criminal conviction in both general and psychiatric populations. Furthermore, cannabis use was significantly associated with an increased risk of becoming a victim of violence, a risk more pronounced in females and mixed-gender cohorts compared to males. This meta-analysis indicates an increased risk of violence, especially that resulting in a criminal conviction, among cannabis users. It also highlights the potential of cannabis use as a target for interventions to decrease violence, and underscores the need for routine assessment of cannabis use among psychiatric patients.

WHY DOES CANNABIS USE INFLUENCE VIOLENT BEHAVIOR?

According to the study, possible explanations for the association between cannabis use, particularly high doses, and violence include impairments in attention, executive function, inhibition, and problem-solving abilities. Prolonged heavy use can also influence mood and emotional regulation, including feelings of anger and hostility. Moreover, during periods of cannabis withdrawal, individuals may experience irritability, anxiety, restlessness, and impaired functioning, potentially leading to aggressiveness. Most importantly, regular cannabis use increases the likelihood of experiencing paranoia, causing individuals to interpret neutral stimuli as potentially threatening, leading individuals to believe that they must defend themselves.

In addition, cannabis users tend to exhibit higher levels of impulsivity and engage in more risk-taking behaviors, which could lead to antisocial and criminal activities as part of their lifestyle. These mechanisms represent only one component of the broader relationship between drugs and violence, which has also been conceptualized as involving psycho-pharmacological, economic-compulsive and systemic pathways. However, these psycho-pharmacological mechanisms are unlikely to fully explain the observed association.

The study also found that cannabis use frequently co-occurs with a range of individual, social and environmental factors, including impulsivity, antisocial traits, adverse socioeconomic circumstances and exposure to violent environments, that may independently contribute to violence risk. The available evidence therefore suggests that the association between cannabis use and violence is likely to reflect multiple interacting pathways rather than a single direct causal mechanism.

Please contact my office if you, a friend or family member are charged with a Drug Offense, Assault, or any other crime. Potential defenses to some crimes may include Diminished Capacity and Voluntary Intoxication. Hiring an effective and competent defense attorney is the first and best step toward justice.

FBI Laboratory Eliminates DNA-Processing Backlog

In a press release, the FBI announced that it eliminated years-long DNA-processing backlog, shrinking it from an all-time high of about 1.81 million samples to zero.

BACKGROUND ON THE FEDERAL DNA DATABASE UNIT

The FBI Laboratory’s Federal DNA Database Unit (FDDU) is a team that exists to intake and process DNA samples from U.S. Department of Justice and other federal law enforcement agencies. The FDDU generates genetic profiles from these samples, quality-checks these profiles, and adds them to the Combined DNA Index System (CODIS). This national database contains genetic profiles from crime scenes contributed by federal, state, and local forensic laboratories.

Historically, this tasking required the FDDU to turn around about 100,000 samples received from DOJ and other federal law enforcement agencies each year. But a federal regulation change that happened to coincide with the onset of the COVID-19 pandemic caused the unit’s workload to surge, eventually climbing to well over a million unprocessed samples.

Federal law requires U.S. Department of Justice components and federal law enforcement agencies to capture DNA samples and biographic information from federal arrestees, from non-U.S. citizens whom the U.S. government detains, and from convicted criminals. Those samples then head to the FBI Laboratory.

There, FDDU intakes the samples, processes them, and uses them to generate genetic profiles that are added to the CODIS database. Law enforcement agencies can then query DNA samples from crime scenes or evidence kits against profiles in CODIS in hopes of getting a match—which would, in theory, tie an individual in the database to a crime.

TECHNOLOGICAL ADVANCES

Rapid DNA instruments can now be produced that can create a CODIS-worthy profile within about 90 minutes. Also, the FBI approved the first eligible system to generate DNA profiles that can be searched against the national CODIS database network when FBI requirements are met.

Previously, Rapid DNA technologies were primarily used for reference, victim identification and booking applications. This new technological development now enables law enforcement to accelerate their investigations by potentially matching evidentiary samples to suspects in hours rather than days or weeks. This supports faster identification of perpetrators or earlier exclusion of individuals from investigative focus, while maintaining FBI quality requirements, laboratory oversight, qualified analyst review and accredited laboratory standards.

ARE THE FBI’S DNA PROFILES A SEARCH & SEIZURE THAT VIOLATE THE FOURTH AMENDMENT?

yES. As DNA database programs have widened in scope and grown in numbers, their consistency with the Fourth Amendment’s prohibition on unreasonable searches and seizures has increasingly been challenged. In the context of compulsory DNA collection, courts have widely upheld laws mandating the collection of DNA from persons who were convicted and are subject to the penal system’s custody or supervision. However, no judicial consensus has emerged regarding the constitutionality of mandating DNA collection from arrestees who have been criminally indicted.

Instead, courts have split over the existence and scope of an arrestee’s reasonable expectation of privacy and the degree of privacy intrusion caused by DNA sampling. The limited number of court decisions in this area also suggests that there are conflicting opinions about the analogousness of DNA collection and fingerprinting.

Please contact my office if you, a friend or family member are charged with a crime involving Search & Seizure. Hiring an effective and competent defense attorney is the first and best step toward justice.

Alcohol Use Has Declined Since Covid-19

Nearly seven years after the start of the Covid-19 pandemic, we see signs that rates of alcohol use had finally begun to drop. A study published in the Annals of Internal Medicine, found that any alcohol use, including heavy drinking, among adults in the US declined from 2022 to 2024. However, the rates are still higher than they were in 2018.

The study used cross-sectional data from 2018 to 2024 taken from more than 114,000 respondents to the National Health Interview Survey, which is administered by the US Census Bureau. According to the study, the share of adults who drank any alcohol in the past year fell by nearly 2%, and the share who drank heavily fell by more than 8% from 2022 to 2024.

The decline was seen among men and women, with men showing a larger decline in any alcohol use and women seeing a greater drop in heavy alcohol use.

WHAT DEFINES HEAVY ALCOHOL USE?

Heavy alcohol use is defined as four or more drinks per day, or eight or more per week for women, and five or more drinks per day or 15 or more drinks per week for men, according to the National Institute on Alcohol Abuse and Alcoholism.

HAVE DIFFERENT GENERATIONS SEEN A MORE SUBSTANTIAL DROP IN ALCOHOL USE?

Gen Z appears to be leading the way on the decline in drinking rates. Gen Z adults, who are between the ages of 18 and 29, saw the largest decline in any alcohol use with an over 5% drop. Heavy drinking among millennials, who are between the ages of 30 and 49, dropped by 17% between 2022 and 2024. Apparently, social dynamics, including the rise of the sober-curious movement and more awareness of the health-related harms of alcohol.

ARE ANY AGE GROUPS DRINKING MORE?

Yes. People between the ages of 50 and 64 — members of Generation X and the youngest Baby Boomers— continue to drink at rates higher than before the pandemic. They remain at high risk for alcohol-related conditions such as liver disease, cancer and cardiovascular disease. Heavy drinking for this group increased by more than 36% and any drinking by 4% from 2018 to 2024. Those between the ages of 50 to 64 are over two and a half times as likely to die from chronic alcohol abuse compared to acute alcohol-related conditions, according to the National Center for Drug Abuse Statistics.

Please contact my office if you, a friend or family member are charged with DUI or any other crime. Hiring an effective and competent defense attorney is the first and best step toward justice.

The Most Dangerous States In the Nation

According to a map published by Visual Capitalist using FBI figures covering March 2025 through February 2026, a new ranking has successfully scored every state on violent crime per 100,000 residents. The nation’s two major tools for measuring crime, the Uniform Crime Reports (UCR) and the National Crime Victimization Survey (NCVS) measures crime data across states. Their combined data shows long-term trends for rates of serious violent crime, motor vehicle theft, and burglary.

WHICH STATES HAVE THE HIGHEST VIOLENT CRIME RATE?

Washington, D.C., sits at the top with 789 violent crimes per 100,000 residents. The figure is partly elevated because the district is entirely urban, unlike states that also include suburbs and rural areas. Among the 50 states, Alaska leads at 731, and the rate is driven largely by rape and aggravated assault. New Mexico is next at 645, the highest in the contiguous United States, followed by Arkansas (533), Tennessee (482), Kansas (465) and Louisiana (461). The numbers cover murder, rape, robbery and aggravated assault, drawn from the FBI Crime Data Explorer.

WHICH STATES HAVE THE LOWEST CRIME RATES?

Maine reports the lowest violent crime rate in the country at 92 per 100,000, followed by Connecticut (108), New Hampshire (121) and Rhode Island (143). New Jersey (194) and Virginia (201) also land near the bottom. A few results break the geographic pattern. Wyoming (189) and Hawaii (190) both post rates lower than New Jersey despite sitting nowhere near the Northeast. Illinois is the bigger shock. Home to the city Americans instinctively associate with crime, Illinois ranks 31st among the 50 states at 250, below Florida (252) and Massachusetts (267).

IS CRIME GETTING WORSE?

No. The FBI released its full 2025 crime report on Aug. 14, showing that violent crime was down 9.3% from the year before, the largest single-year decline since national estimates began in 1936. The murder rate fell 18.1% to 4.1 per 100,000, matching the rates in 1955 and 1956 for the lowest ever recorded. Property crime dropped 12.4%, and motor vehicle theft fell 22.7%.

Please contact my office if you, a friend or family member are charged with a crime. Hiring an effective and competent defense attorney is the first and best step toward justice.

Pretrial Drug-Monitoring “Sweat” Patches Ruled Unconstitutional

In Bailey-Cobb v.Snohomish County District Court, No. 87738-1-I (Aug. 17, 2026), the WA Court of Appeals held that Pretrial Drug Monitoring Patches (PDMP’s) are a search and must therefore be supported by authority of law to be lawful.

WHAT ARE PRETRIAL DRUG MONITORING PATCHES?

Ingested drugs have been known to appear in sweat. This has created the development of sweat collection devices for use in drug detection, such as the PDMP sweat patches. However, externally applied drugs or drugs deposited on the skin, can cause false positives or contamination from within (CFWI). Different cleaning procedures are used to remove externally applied drugs, however some drugs can remain causing false positives. Also, if an individual lives in a drug-contaminated environment, CFWI could occur also producing misleading results for drug use.

FACTUAL BACKGROUND

In these consolidated cases, the State charged Mrs. Simone Bailey-Cobb and Mr. Toombs with DUI. As a condition of their pretrial release, the court required them to wear PDMP’s. Bailey-Cobb and Toombs challenged the imposition of the drug patch as a condition of pretrial release. The trial court denied the petitions. Bailey-Cobb and Toombs appealed, alleging the drug-monitoring patch violated the Washington State Constitution.

Additionally, Bailey-Cobb contended the trial court erred in finding she would interfere with the administration of justice, and Toombs claimed the trial court did not make the requisite findings under CrRLJ 3.2 to impose any conditions. We conclude that Bailey-Cobb and Toombs did not suffer diminished privacy interests as pretrial releasees, and the court’s imposition of a drug-monitoring patch violated their rights under article I, section 7. Accordingly, we reverse and remand for the trial court to remove the drug-monitoring patch condition from Bailey-Cobb’s and Toombs’s pretrial release requirements.

COURT’S ANALYSIS & CONCLUSIONS

The Court of Appeals (COA) began by saying both the United States Constitution and the Washington State Constitution protect individuals against unreasonable searches and seizures. When a party challenges an action, contending it violates constitutional rights, the court conducts a two-part inquiry.

“First, we must determine whether the alleged action “intruded upon a person’s private affairs,” said the COA. “If a privacy interest exists, the next question is whether relevant authority of law justifies the disturbance.”

Next, the COA discussed CrRLJ 3.2. This court rule gives courts the ability to impose conditions on the accused if the court determines there exists a substantial danger that the accused will commit a violent crime or that the accused will seek to intimidate witnesses, or otherwise interfere with the administration of justice. The conditions include prohibiting the accused from “consuming any intoxicating liquors or drugs not prescribed to the accused” and “any condition other than detention to assure noninterference with the administration of justice[] and reduce danger to others or the community.” To determine which conditions are reasonable, the court shall consider, among others, the accused’s criminal record, the nature of the charge, and the accused’s past interference with the administration of justice.

PDMP’s Are Invasive Technology

The COA reasoned that although Bailey-Cobb and Toombs would not need to submit a urine sample, they would be submitting far more personal information with the patch than urinalysis testing.

“And once affixed to the body, the patch collects and retains evidence of any and all drugs ingested, regardless of whether it is prescribed or otherwise not prohibited, and the individual wearing the patch is required to go into Triton’s office every 10 to14 days to get a new patch. Additionally, the patch does not test for alcohol, which is one of the substances the court order prohibited, so it is conceivable that further testing would be required. The drug patch is also susceptible to outside environmental contamination in limited situations. Because the drug-monitoring patch is invasive and would reveal far more personal information than necessary, it is not narrowly tailored and cannot survive the Olsen balancing test.” ~WA COA

The State Does Not Have a “Special Need”  to Monitor By Imposing PDMP’s.

Next, the COA rejected the argument that the State had a “special need” to monitor the drug use of pretrial releasees via a drug-monitoring patch. “The special needs exception permits an otherwise unlawful search when special needs, beyond the normal need for law enforcement, make the warrant and probable cause requirement impractical,” said the COA.

“Here, the State maintains a special need exists because requiring a warrant or probable cause would jeopardize the State’s need to monitor the defendants for the sake of public safety. But our Supreme Court has repeatedly declined to apply a special needs exception under article I, section 7. See, e.g., Evans, 5 Wn.3d at 215 (declining to adopt the federal special needs exception for administrative searches of pretrial releasees); Blomstrom, 189 Wn.2d at 410 (declining to apply the special needs exception for urinalysis testing of pretrial releasees). Like the balancing test, precedent does not support applying the special needs exception to the imposition of a drug-monitoring patch for pretrial releasees.” ~WA COA

The COA concluded there was no authority of law to impose PDMP’s.  Also, neither the compelling interest test, nor the “special needs” exception to the search warrant requirement applied. “The drug monitoring patch, and the process for obtaining the patch, reveal more personal information than necessary,” said the COA.  “Thus, the patch condition was not narrowly tailored, and not lawful.”

Please contact my office if you, a friend or family member are charged with a crime involving Search & Seizure issues. Hiring an effective and competent defense attorney is the first and best step toward justice.

Crime of “Receiving Unlawful Compensation” Also Includes Receiving Sexual Contact

In State v. Tarver, No. 40603-2-III (Jul. 14, 2026), the WA Court of Appeals held that the word “compensation” in the Receiving Unlawful Compensation statute is not limited to receiving money. It also includes receiving sexual contact that a public servant receives in exchange for exercising official discretion to assist another with a “transaction.”

FACTUAL BACKGROUND

Mr. Tarver, a former Department of Children, Youth and Families (the Department) caseworker, was charged with several crimes after having sexual contact with a mother he was assigned to investigate. Following a bench trial, he was acquitted of extortion but convicted of perjury and Receiving Unlawful Compensation. On appeal, he challenges only his conviction for receiving unlawful compensation. He argued that sexual contact is not “compensation,” and a “transaction” does not include parent-child visitations or a dependency case.

COURT’S ANALYSIS & CONCLUSIONS

The Court of Appeals (COA) began its analysis by reviewing the Receiving Unlawful Compensation statute, which reads: “A person is guilty of receiving or granting unlawful compensation if,being a public servant, he or she requests, accepts, or agrees to accept compensation for advice or other assistance in preparing a bill, contract, claim, or transaction regarding which he or she knows he or she is likely to have an official discretion to exercise (emphasis added).

The COA ruled that the definition of “Compensation” is not limited to an economic or financial exchange. While compensation might include something of pecuniary value, nothing in its ordinary meaning limits compensation to an economic benefit.:

“Instead, the definition of compensation, along with the context in which the word is used in RCW 9A.68.030(1)(a), focuses on whether the thing received functioned as remuneration . . . In short, we conclude compensation and pecuniary benefit are not interchangeable or synonymous.” ~WA Court of Appeals

The COA also ruled that the word “transaction” includes visits between a parent and child or a dependency case that the public servant assists with:

“Here, the dependency action filed by the State was a communicative activity that involved and reciprocally affected the children (through the State) and Mr. Tarver, as a public servant, advised and assisted in preparing this transaction by providing testimony intended to influence the ultimate decision-maker and exercising discretional authority to determine the terms of visitation.”  ~WA Court of Appeals

With that, the COA ruled that Tarver’s request for sexual contact was a request for compensation in exchange for his advice and assistance in preparing a transaction, which included R.J.’s visitation with her children and his influence in the dependency action.

Please contact my office if you, a friend or family member are charged with a crime. Hiring an effective and competent defense attorney is the first and best step toward justice.

High Court Rules “Geofence Warrants” Constitute a Search Under 4th Amendment

In Chatrie v. United States, No. 25-112 (Jun. 29, 2026), the U.S. Supreme Court held that Geofence Warrants constitute a “search” under the Fourth Amendment. They acquire people’s location data from Google by linking to their cell-phone location information.

WHAT ARE “GEOFENCE WARRANTS?”

Geofence warrants are an investigative tool typically employed when law enforcement knows the approximate time and location of a crime but not the identities of suspects. In executing a geofence warrant, law enforcement compels a company to provide certain information indicating which particular smartphones were present within a geographic area during a specified time frame. Law enforcement can then use the information to potentially identify the owner of a smartphone found in the area of interest during the time frame. Because geofence warrants do not begin with an identifiable suspect, they have been said to “‘work in reverse” from traditional search warrants.

FACTUAL BACKGROUND

On May 20, 2019, a man robbed a credit union in Virginia. Local police officers learned from witness interviews and surveillance footage that the robber had approached the credit union from a corner of an adjacent church while appearing to talk on a cell phone, but they could not find out anything more, and the robber remained at large. On June 14, the police officers applied to a Virginia magistrate for a Geofence Warrant directed to Google.

Here, the Geofence Warrant would require Google to hand over data about the cell phones located within a 150-meter radius of the credit union—the so-called “geofence”—near the time of the crime.

The federal magistrate judge granted and issued the warrant. Through this process, Google ultimately produced three cell-phone users’ identifying information, including the Defendant Mr. Chatrie. His location data showed that he entered the geofence about ten minutes before the robbery and headed toward a residential area immediately after leaving the bank.

Following further police work, a federal grand jury charged Chatrie with robbery and related firearms offenses. He moved to suppress the information the police obtained from Google. According to Chatrie, the officers had acquired that data through a Fourth Amendment search, and the warrant ostensibly authorizing that search was invalid.

The Fourth Circuit found that the Geofence Warrant “plainly violates the rights enshrined in the Fourth] Amendment. However, it denied the motion based on the good-faith exception to the Exclusionary Rule. A divided panel of the Fourth Circuit affirmed on different reasoning, holding that no search occurred because Chatrie did not have a reasonable expectation of privacy in two hours’ worth of Location History data voluntarily exposed to Google. Eventually, the U.S. Supreme Court decided to hear the case solely on the question whether the police violated the Fourth Amendment in obtaining Chatrie’s location data.

COURT’S ANALYSIS & CONCLUSIONS

Justice Kagan delivered the opinion of the Court. He stated that police officers conducted a Fourth Amendment search when they acquired Chatrie’s location data from Google because an individual has a reasonable expectation of privacy in his cell-phone location information. Justice Kagan based his reasoing in Carpenter v. United States, which held that accessing cell-site location information (CSLI) constitutes a Fourth Amendment search. In Carpenter, the Court reasoned that CSLI provides a “detailed” and “encyclopedic” portrait of a person’s whereabouts, and, with that, an intimate window into a person’s life. Because people compulsively carry their cell phones all the time, the Carpenter Court explained, a cell phone tracks nearly exactly the movements of its owner, and thus faithfully follows him not only through public thoroughfares but into private residences, doctor’s offices, political headquarters, and other potentially revealing locales. The Carpenter Court further observed that the newfound tracking capacity that CSLI gives the police runs against everyone —not just those under investigation—and travels back in time, making possible a form of surveillance that would have been unknown prior to the digital age.

“Most cell-phone users have no awareness of CSLI records, and would never try to retrieve them; by contrast, Google users regularly employ Location History as a personal journal. In that way, Location History resembles other private materials – e.g., emails, documents, photographs, or calendars – that even if stored on Google’s servers, a user reasonably views as his own and expects to be shielded from the inquisitive eyes of the government.” ~Justice Kagan, U.S. Supreme Court

Against that background, Justice Kagan rejected the Government’s argument that accessing only a short amount of cell-phone location information does not count as a Fourth Amendment search fails. “Even short-term monitoring can provide a wealth of detail about a person’s familial, political, professional, religious, and sexual associations,” said Justice Kagan.

Next, Justice Kagan rejected the Government arguement that the so-called third-party doctrine precludes Chatrie from invoking the Fourth Amendment’s protections. The Government’s idea is that in authorizing Google to collect, retain, and use his location information, Chatrie lost his legitimate expectation of privacy, and therefore his right to complain of a search. However, Justice Kagan emphasized that Carpenter refused to apply the third-party doctrine to CSLI, and no good reason exists to reach a different result for Location History:

“The exposure of that information to Google is merely what happens when a user avails himself of one of the services on his cell phone. The Government’s argument that generating Location History, unlike producing CSLI, is a voluntary choice is meritless.” ~Justice Kagan, U.S. Supreme Court

With that, Justice Kagan remanded the case back to the Federal Court of Appeals to decide whether, at each step of the search process, the Geofence Warrant satisfied the Fourth Amendment’s requirements of particularity and probable cause.

Please contact my office if you, a friend or family member are charged with a crime involving Search & Seizure. Hiring an effective and competent defense attorney is the first and best step toward justice.

U.S. Supreme Court Limits the Federal Gun Ban on Drug Users

In United States v. Hemani, the U.S. Supreme Court voted unanimously to narrow the federal ban on gun possession by people who use illegal drugs. Additionally, the Court ruled government must show that their drug use poses a risk of dangerous behavior.

FACTUAL BACKGROUND

Ali Hemani was a dual citizen of the United States and Pakistan who was born in Texas. He has spent most of his life living in the Dallas area with his parents and working a stable job. Suspecting Mr. Hemani and his family members of terrorism-related activities, the government conducted a search of the family home in 2022. Throughout the process, Mr. Hemani proved cooperative. He surrendered a gun he kept in the house, pointed agents to some marijuana on the property, and consented to an interview during which he told law enforcement agents that he used marijuana about every other day.

More than six months after the search, and relying solely on Mr. Hemani’s admitted use of marijuana, the government prosecuted Mr. Hemani under 18 U. S. C. §922(g)(3) (herein, “§922(g)(3)”) for knowingly possessing a gun in his home while being an unlawful user of a controlled substance. Mr. Hemani moved to dismiss the indictment, arguing that the government’s effort to enforce §922(g)(3) against him violated the Second Amendment. The federal district court granted the motion, and after an unsuccessful appeal to the Fifth Circuit, the government asked this Court to review the case.

COURT’S ANALYSIS & CONCLUSIONS

Justice Gorsuch delivered the opinion of the Court.

He explained that under the Supreme Court’s 2022 decision in New York State Rifle and Pistol Association v. Bruen, courts should uphold restrictions on gun rights only when there is a tradition of such regulations in early U.S. history.

Here, Gorsuch wrote, the federal government cannot meet this high bar. Although the government points to early American laws targeting “habitual drunkards” – for example, by jailing them, placing them in workhouses, committing them to asylums, or requiring them to post a bond to ensure their good behavior – these laws are not sufficiently analogous to justify Hemani’s prosecution.

Gorsuch suggested, a “habitual drunkard” was not the same thing as someone who regularly uses intoxicants such as alcohol. He wrote that even some of the Founding Fathers were heavy drinkers by today’s standards, Gorsuch noted, but to be regarded as a “habitual drunkard” someone would have to frequently be so drunk that they were practically incapacitated and incapable of managing their affairs.

Gorsuch next rejected the government’s argument that the law at the center of this case serves a similar purpose as the law targeting habitual drunkards – that is, to protect the public from ‘unusually dangerous’ individuals who will misuse firearms to commit violent crimes. Even if that is the goal of the law in this case, Gorsuch countered, the habitual drunkard laws normally had little to do with protecting the public from categorically violent and unusually dangerous persons.

Moreover, Gorsuch continued, the habitual drunkard laws are not an apt analogy because their operation differs significantly from the operation of the law at the center of this case. In particular, Gorsuch stressed, those laws usually provided some form of process – such as a trial, proceedings in a probate court, or a bond hearing – before an individual lost any of his liberties, even temporarily. By contrast, under the government’s rule, the law in this case automatically divests an individual of his constitutional right to bear arms the moment he becomes an unlawful user and until he ends his drug use.

Gorsuch made clear that the court did not question that sometimes an individual’s unlawful use of marijuana (or any other controlled substance) may render him a danger to others. But here, he said, the government is asking the court to conclude that anyone who regularly uses marijuana is categorically violent and dangerous without any further showing. Such a position, Gorsuch posited, is at odds with the government’s own actions – for example, its recent decision to downgrade the categorization of marijuana on its list of controlled substances, so that it is now classified as having a lower potential for dependence and abuse and a currently accepted medical use.

Gorsuch emphasized this ruling was “a narrow one” that did not address whether the government could prosecute drug addicts for having a gun or the legality of other gun restrictions – such as the ban on the possession of guns by people who have been convicted of felonies. Indeed, Gorsuch added, the decision did not even address whether the government could prosecute someone if it had proof that a specific individual’s drug use renders him a danger to himself or others.

My opinion? Good decision. Hemani makes it clear that the government cannot make it crime for people to own a gun – which the Supreme Court has held is a fundamental constitutional right – simply because they use marijuana. With nearly half of Americans reporting marijuana use at some point in their lives, this ruling protects the rights of millions and curbs the government’s ability to impose arbitrary and discriminatory penalties. The court has sent a strong message that the government cannot criminalize the conduct of large numbers of people by making categorical and unfounded assumptions about whether they are dangerous.

Please contact my office if you, a friend or family member are charged with a Firearm Offense or any other crime. Hiring an effective and competent defense attorney is the first and best step toward justice.